Readings in Classical Chinese Philosophy Second Edition

readings_in_classical_chinese_philosophy_-_van_norden2c_bryan_w.3b_ivanhoe2c_philip_j_.pdf

READINGS IN CLASSICAL CHINESE

PHILOSOPHY

READINGS IN CLASSICAL CHINESE

PHILOSOPHY

2nd Edition

Edited by

Philip J. Ivanhoe City Academy of Hong Kong

and

Bryan W. Van Norden Vassar Higher

Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. Indianapolis/Cambridge

Copyright © 2001

Reprinted in 2003 by Hackett Publishing Visitor, Inc.

2d edition copyright © 2005 by Hackett Publishing Company, Inc.

All rights reserved Printed in the United states of

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data

Readings in classical Chinese philosophy/edited by Philip J. Ivanhoe and Bryan West. Van Norden.—2nd ed.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-87220-781-one (cloth)—ISBN

0-87220-780-3 (pbk.) 1. Philosophy, Chinese—To 221 B.C.

I. Ivanhoe, P. J. II. Van Norden, Bryan W. (Bryan William)

B126.R43 2005 181'.eleven—

dc22 2005050463

ISBN-13: 978-0-87220-781-three (cloth) ISBN-13: 978-0-87220-780-6 (pbk.) epub ISBN: 978-1-60384-520-v

CONTENTS

Preface Comparative Romanization Table Map of Cathay during the Bound and

Autumn Menstruation Introduction Selective Bibliography

CHAPTER I Kongzi (Confucius) "The Analects"

Introduction and Translation past Edward Gilman Slingerland

Chapter Two Mozi

Introduction and Translation by Philip J. Ivanhoe

Affiliate THREE Mengzi (Mencius)

Introduction and Translation by Bryan W. Van Norden

CHAPTER Four Laozi ("The Daodejing")

Introduction and Translation by Philip J. Ivanhoe

CHAPTER V Zhuangzi

Introduction and Translation by Paul Kjellberg

CHAPTER Half-dozen Xunzi

Introduction and Translation past Eric L. Hutton

CHAPTER Seven Han Feizi

Introduction and Translation by Joel Sahleen

SUPPLEMENTAL TEXTS Gongsun Longzi "On the White

Horse" Introduction and Translation by Bryan

Due west. Van Norden Yangism "Robber Zhi"

Introduction and Translation by Paul Kjellberg

APPENDICES Of import Figures Of import Periods Important Texts Of import Terms

PREFACE

This newly revised edition of Readings in Classical Chinese Philosophy introduces the vii virtually familiar, widely read, and of import thinkers of the "classical period" (roughly the 6th to the finish of the third century B.C.E.) of Chinese philosophy, every bit well as two critically of import only often neglected philosophers of this menses: Gongsun Longzi and Yang Zhu. Each of the seven capacity and two Supplemental Text sections of the volume begins with a brief introduction to the work and thinker information technology concerns and concludes with a short and lightly annotated selective bibliography. The volume is intended to serve equally an introduction to and source book for these texts and non as a philosophical primer for the idea of these authors. Introductory and interpretive material is kept to a minimum, but the volume includes

iv appendices—Important Figures, Important Periods, Important Texts, and Important Terms—that describe mythical and historical figures, periods of fourth dimension, classical texts, and specialized terms that regularly announced in the texts translated here. There is also a Map of China during the Bound and Autumn Menstruation, which shows the estimate locations of the major states and rivers. Readers are encouraged to turn to these reference materials whenever they see terms or names in the text that are not explained in footnotes. Explanatory notes are provided at the bottom of each page in cases of a single occurrence of an obscure term or name or when more explanation appeared to be warranted. Those who wish to pursue additional secondary literature in English concerning the texts and thinkers included in this reader are encouraged to consult the Title Web Site link that is maintained in

support of this volume at www.hackettpublishing.com.

Knowledge of the Chinese language is not in any way required for making full and thorough use of this volume. Withal, Chinese characters are provided for important references and terms of philosophical fine art in order to assistance the beginning student of Chinese and for the common betterment of all. We do not provide characters for textual emendations or other textual notes, as these problems require advanced facility in the classical Chinese language and other bones research languages of sinology. Readers interested in pursuing textual issues are encouraged to consult the appropriate sections of the spider web page mentioned in a higher place.

We have used the Pinyin romanization arrangement throughout this volume, although we have chosen to romanize the common formal names of Chinese thinkers—their

surnames and the honorific championship zi (literally "Master")—as one word rather than two. Then, for example, Zhuang Zi (literally "Primary Zhuang") is written as Zhuangzi and Han Fei Zi ("Main Han Fei") appears as Han Feizi. All romanizations in the bibliographies and notes remain in their original form in society to facilitate locating these sources. We accept provided a complete tabular array comparing the Pinyin and older Wade-Giles systems of romanization following this Preface.

We, the editors, take tried to balance a desire for consistency in the use of specialized terms with the multifariousness of senses many of these terms have inside the range of texts presented here, besides as with the dissimilar sensibilities and styles of the individual translators. In cases where a sure important term of art is rendered in different ways, we have provided notes alerting readers and directing their

attending to the other occurrences and translations.

We would like to give thanks the contributors to this book for their work and their patience with us throughout the editorial process. Edward Grand. "Ted" Slingerland III, a member of the Department of Asian Studies at the University of British Columbia, translated The Analects of Kongzi ("Confucius"); Paul Kjellberg, Chair of the Philosophy Department at Whittier College, contributed the selections from the Zhuangzi and on the thought of Yang Zhu; Eric L. Hutton, a fellow member of the Philosophy Section of University of Utah, translated parts of the Xunzi; and Joel Sahleen, from the Department of Asian Languages at Stanford University, contributed selections from the Han Feizi. Nosotros, the editors, contributed the remaining translations of the Mozi, Mengzi (Mencius), and Laozi (The Daodejing), as

well every bit the selections representing the idea of Gongsun Longzi.

Nosotros would like to give thanks Robert B. Rama and Jeremy R. Robinson for their help in preparing the manuscript for this volume. Denin Lee provided invaluable assistance in locating and helping to reproduce the illustrations of individual philosophers that appear at the beginning of each chapter. Mark Csikszentmihalyi, Shari Ruei-hua Epstein, Eirik Harris, T. C. "Jack" Kline III, Pauline Chen Lee, Shuen-fu Lin, and Eric Schwitzgebel offered very helpful corrections and comments on various parts of earlier drafts of the manuscript.

COMPARATIVE ROMANIZATION TABLE

The post-obit conversion table is provided in order to allow the reader to keep runway of and catechumen between the Pinyin and Wade-Giles systems of romanization.

INTRODUCTION

Chinese history and thought extend much farther back in time than the menses covered in this volume, though it is fair to say that philosophy—in the sense of self- conscious reflection upon, modification, and defense of one's views—begins with the debate between Kongzi and Mozi. Notwithstanding, a general sense of the trajectory of Chinese idea prior to this period and some understanding of the shape of the intellectual landscape on the eve of the age represented hither will aid the reader to appreciate more deeply the views of the thinkers presented.

The earliest substantial written documents we have from People's republic of china are carved onto bone and shell or etched onto ritual vessels of bronze. These incised inscriptions, together with other modern archeological discoveries, take allowed

scholars to reconstruct speculative yet intriguing pictures of very early on Chinese social club and culture.i Near of the then-called "oracle bone inscriptions" date from around the twelfth to mid-eleventh century B.C.Eastward., the closing years of the Shang dynasty.two They record the queries of royal diviners—often the king himself—who sought the communication and assistance of various ancestral and Nature spirits. Ritual vessel inscriptions, which date from the Shang and go along, in their loftier form, on downwards through the eighth century B.C.E., in the catamenia known as the Western Zhou dynasty, also provide a wealth of information concerning very early Chinese aristocracy culture, particularly many of its religious views.3

These sources describe a precarious world, saturated with unruly and unpredictable spiritual powers. In a higher place there was Shang Di , "The Lord on High," a powerful and only vaguely

understood spirit who controlled the forces of nature and largely adamant the fate of human beings. Unlike bequeathed spirits and even the spirits of Nature, Shang Diw as then remote from human concerns so far from human being agreement that he could not exist approached direct. Other spirits and peculiarly bequeathed spirits, though, could appeal to Shang Di on behalf of their living descendants and solicit his support for their all-likewise-human endeavors.

The majority of oracular and statuary vessel inscriptions record attempts by the ruling members of Shang and Zhou lodge to influence the spirits through ritual supplication and sacrifice. Those appeals that are directed specifically at bequeathed spirits are among the clearest early expressions of "ancestor worship," and, given our business organisation with the development of philosophy, it is interesting that even at this early phase we find an explicit concern

with the inner life of the worshipper. For these inscriptions make articulate that sacrifice was not simply an external beliefs; in order for ane'due south sacrifice to exist accepted past the appropriate spirit, 1 had to offer it with the proper inner attitudes and feelings of respect and reverence. Moreover, it was thought that with enough effort of the right sort, one could cultivate the appropriate attitudes and feelings.

In early Chinese religious thought, ancestral spirits span what in other traditions frequently looms as an abyss between the spiritual and man worlds. There is no cardinal metaphysical rupture in the creation; at the very least, living man beings have concerned representatives in the spiritual world who can temper and entreatment to more than remote and recalcitrant forces. This gives early and fifty-fifty subsequently Chinese religious thought a distinctively "this-worldly" orientation, and it had a

profound influence on the shape and style of later philosophical reflection.

Some other fascinating and productive aspect of this circuitous of beliefs, attitudes, and practices is the attention early diviners paid to keeping rails of their past interactions with the spiritual world. Shang diviners kept extensive records of their oracular activities; these included notes apropos the consequences that resulted from following the communication derived through divination. Chiliad. C. Chang argues that these records were kept in the belief that by studying these past records thoughtful individuals could discern the nigh reliable patterns of productive human being-spirit interaction.4 He further suggests that such practices deeply influenced later Chinese conceptions of and attitudes toward history and in particular the value and office of historical precedent.

Together, these beliefs about the part of

ancestral spirits and the wisdom of history laid the foundation for behavior and attitudes that shaped and endured throughout the Chinese tradition, particularly in the tradition of the "Erudites" or "Confucians." They in particular preserved and elaborated on the idea that by keeping the lessons of the past in one'due south mind and the ancestors in one's heart, one could detect a fashion through a dangerous and unpredictable globe. These ideas discover diverse expressions in the later philosophical literature. Different thinkers defend tradition on a variety of grounds, extending from a fundamental faith in a past golden age preserved in traditional cultural forms, to more subtle defenses of the accumulated authoritative force of efficacious precedents. Every bit Benjamin Schwartz has pointed out, the unique office the ancestors played as mediators betwixt the man and spiritual earth lends itself to a form of

life in which finding and fulfilling i's designated familial and social roles— whatsoever these might be in a particular case—allows i to take 1'southward proper identify in a harmonious universal scheme that worked for the benefit of all.5 The fact that such family-based roles also announced to be "natural" further reinforces this full general conceptual scheme and opens up a way— that was taken by some of the thinkers we present here—to provide a more naturalized account of this early conception of the good homo life.

When the Shang were overthrown and their conquerors founded the Zhou dynasty, we find the start of a trend to "naturalize" and in a certain sense domesticate aspects of earlier Shang belief.6 By "naturalize" we hateful a preference for accounts of actions and events in terms of systematic, natural phenomena rather than spiritual ability. For

example, while the early Zhou rulers appear to take promoted the thought that their supreme deity Tian (literally "Heaven" or "sky") was identical to the earlier Shang Di, with the passage of time Tian came to be idea of as the structure or disposition of the universe itself, as opposed to an entity or being with consciousness and intention. This transition is articulate in texts like the Analects, where one finds both conceptions of Heaven every bit an active amanuensis and conceptions of Heaven equally the natural social club of things. Some other idea that manifests what nosotros are calling the trend toward naturalized accounts is the notion of Tianming , "Sky's Mandate," which the Zhou invoked to justify their conquest of the Shang. The thought was that Heaven confers its "mandate" to rule on those who best represent its interests and concerns for humankind. The Zhou portrayed the last Shang kings every bit drunken, self-serving

despots who had forsaken their office- specific obligations and indulged their passions, thus bringing anarchy to the world. As a consequence of this ethically reprehensible beliefs, they were stripped of the mandate to rule.7 This "naturalizes" the earlier scheme in the sense that at present an individual's intentional actions and called mode of life directly define their human relationship with the spirit globe and make up one's mind who secures and maintains Heaven's favor. The shift to a new conception of Sky and the appeal to Heaven'southward Mandate as well domesticate earlier Shang beliefs in the sense that they open up the workings of the globe to broader human understanding and command. In Shang times, the spirit earth was largely across direct human understanding; oracular inquiries were like scouting parties, sent out into potentially hostile territory in search of strategically useful data.

And fifty-fifty such indirect noesis and fractional control of the spiritual world was limited to royal diviners. In the emerging Zhou worldview, anyone was potentially capable of understanding and harnessing the upstanding ability of Heaven.8

Later thinkers offering very different and at times conflicting accounts of the Western Zhou and its exemplary individuals, but there is broad agreement that this period was one of remarkable internal stability, peace, and prosperity. And there is as yet no evidence bachelor that would crusade i to doubt such a merits. Simply given the newly adult views discussed higher up —which claim that an ethically superior ruler is necessary for sustained and successful government—such an age was destined to come to an end, for there is always the threat of moral rot. According to traditional accounts, the autumn of the Western Zhou was the effect of its terminal

male monarch's lack of virtue. It seems that King You was deeply enamored of his concubine Bao Si and indulged himself by amusing her. Bao Si in plow was terribly fond of having the king lite the series of beacon fires that were supposed to exist used to summon his vassals from surrounding territories in times of attack. And and then, even though in that location was no danger of attack, he would have the fires lit for her amusement. His vassals would gather their forces and rush to the capital, merely to observe that information technology was a false alarm. After a number of such false alarms, they stopped coming and hence were not at that place when the existent attack came, toppled his authorities, and forced the remnants of the Zhou court to flee and found a new capital far to the east.ix From this nosotros are to see how self-indulgence weakens the power of a ruler, and that eventually such conduct volition consequence in the loss of Heaven's Mandate to dominion. Political

failure follows closely upon the heals of moral disuse, and both are regarded every bit beingness largely within an individual's control.10 These distinctive characteristics of Zhou religious, ethical, and political thought became central features of much of later Chinese philosophy.

From the perspective of the present work, the Eastern Zhou marks the dawn of the "classical menstruum" of Chinese philosophy. It begins with Kongzi ("Confucius"), in a period when China consisted of a number of increasingly independent states, and culminates with Han Feizi, with the unification of key China under a new dynasty known as the Qin.11 Of the nine thinkers covered, three —Kongzi, Mengzi, and Xunzi—are from what came to exist chosen the Ru ("Erudite" or "Confucian") tradition and two—Laozi and Zhuangzi—are from the more loosely affiliated group of thinkers afterward called the

Daojia ("Daoist School").12 In improver, at that place are selections from Mozi, founder and leader of the fascinating, powerful, and highly organized move known as the Mojia ("Mohist School"), from Gongsun Longzi, a member of the Mingjia ("School of Names" or "Sophists"), from a "Yangist" text (ane influenced by the thought of Yang Zhu), and from Han Feizi, an incisive, eloquent, and influential representative of the Fajia ("Legalist Schoolhouse").

Equally will be clear from the notes and appendices included in this volume, this pick of writings past no means exhausts or even fully represents the range of thinkers who lived, thought, argued, and wrote during this period.13 There was a remarkably wide diversity of thinkers active during this time in early on China, a fact reflected in some other name for this age: the baijia , "hundred schools," menses. Fifty-fifty

among the thinkers we present here, i finds a broad range of philosophical views. There are reflective defenders of tradition, upstanding sensibility theorists, nature mystics, consequentialists, and egoists equally well equally those who nowadays a purely political theory of state organization and control. One finds a variety of visions of the adept life, ranging from those who insist that but the right kind of society presents man beings with a style to live complete and satisfying lives, to those who contend that any self-conscious attempt to produce a good life volition inevitably exist contaminated and undermined past such effort. For proponents of this latter view, the merely solution is to end trying to find a solution and allow oneself to fall back into the preexisting harmony of Nature. Many of these different views rest on explicit or unsaid views about the grapheme of human nature, and here again we see

remarkable diverseness. This is true even in the case of the founder and first two most eminent defenders of Confucianism— Kongzi, Mengzi, and Xunzi—who shared a significant number of commitments and looked to a common historical and textual heritage.

The thinkers of the hundred schools period disagreed not only in theory but as well with each other. That is to say, not only were their views in conflict, but they themselves oft argued with 1 another. Such exchanges led to greater philosophical composure, with thinkers responding to and ofttimes adapting each other's views in club to heighten their own positions. The conscientious reader volition be able to see numerous examples of such disagreement and mutual borrowing in the selections presented hither, and agreement this aspect of philosophical life during this period is important for a

full appreciation of the lively and creative spirit of the fourth dimension.

The intellectual variety seen among the early philosophers represented here did non stop with this outset "classical menstruum." Throughout subsequent history Chinese thinkers continued to produce philosophical views of stunning originality and ability. While certain early schools of thought died out, their influence remained and is clearly reflected in the thought of their more long-lived competitors.14 Over time, other, non-Chinese traditions of thought came and profoundly influenced ethnic traditions. For example, Buddhism, which arrived in China sometime effectually the first century C.Due east., generated a key and enduring transformation of every active philosophical school.

The most of import lesson to take away from this rich and complex history is that

"Chinese philosophy" is not a unmarried theory, thinker, or tradition but rather a diverse and lively chat that has been going on for more than twenty-5 hundred years and that is withal active and evolving in our own time. And and so Readings in Classical Chinese Philosophy might more accurately be entitled Readings in Classical Chinese Philosophies. It is the hope of the editors and other contributors to this volume that this piece of work serves to facilitate an date with and appreciation of the wealth of philosophical ideas institute in early Red china.

Philip J. Ivanhoe Boston, MA

Bryan W. Van Norden Poughkeepsie, NY

June 2005

1The best introductions to this flow of Chinese civilization are Kwang-chih Chang, Shang Civilization (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and David N. Keightley, ed., The Origins of Chinese Civilization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983). Michael Loewe and Edward L. Shaughnessy, eds., The Cambridge History of Ancient Cathay: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999) is a useful survey covering Chinese history from the earliest times through the period we encompass in this book.

2For a remarkably edifying introduction to Shang oracular inscriptions, see David N. Keightley, Sources of Shang History: The Oracle-bone Inscriptions of Bronze Historic period China (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1978).

3The most illuminating and thorough introduction to early bronze inscriptions is Edward L. Shaughnessy, Sources of Western Zhou History: Inscribed Bronze Vessels (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1991).

4See Chang, Shang Civilization, op. cit., p. xc. 5See Schwartz (1985), p. 23. 6Most contemporary scholars recognize that the

traditional date of the Zhou conquest (1122 B.C.East.) is too early by about ane hundred years, though there is even so no

clear consensus on exactly when it occurred. 7This thought tin can still be seen in the modern Chinese

word for "revolution," which is geming "stripping the mandate."

8Early Chinese society restricted women to primarily domestic vocations. Nonetheless, there were exceptions to this general rule, and there was a developed literature on adult female's virtue quite early in Chinese history. Come across Lisa Raphals, Sharing the Light: Women and Virtue in Early Mainland china (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1999) and Robin R. Wang, Images of Women in Chinese Thought and Culture (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2003). Moreover, one does not notice explicit arguments about purported reasons that prevented women from developing complete forms of the full range of virtues, as i finds, for case, in the writings of Aristotle.

9For a discussion of the figure Bao Si, see Raphals, Sharing the Light, op. cit., pp. 64–66.

10Uncontrollable and inexplicable factors could still touch on 1's overall destiny, but as these were across one's choice and witting control, they received very little attention in the developing literature.

11It is from "Qin" that we get our proper name "Cathay." 12For brief descriptions of these "schools" of thought,

see Important Terms. 13This is true fifty-fifty if one counts only the thinkers for

whom we take at least some samples of their work. Extant bibliographies and references in texts that we do have point to an immensely rich and extensive literature that is either lost or has not yet come to calorie-free.

14For example, the Mohist School died out around the time of the Qin conquest, but it left a deep and indelible influence on both Daoist and Confucian thought.

SELECTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Chan, Wing-tsit, tr.

1963 A Source Volume in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

two. Fung, Yu-lan

1 9 eight 3 A History of Chinese Philosophy. 2 vols. Derk Bodde, tr., reprint. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Academy Press.

3. Graham, A. C.

1989 Disputers of the Tao . La

Salle, IL: Open up Court Press.

4. Ivanhoe, Philip J.

2 0 0 0 Confucian Moral Cocky Cultivation. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing Company.

5. Legge, James

1895 The Chinese Classics. iv vols. (Originally published in 5 vols. Reprinted many times. Includes translations of the Analects, Mencius [Mengzi], Greater Learning, Doctrine of the Mean, History [The Shoo King], Odes, and the Spring and Fall Annals with the Zuozhuan [Zuo'south Commentary].)

half dozen. Munro, Donald J.

1969 The Concept of Human in Early Mainland china. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

seven. Nivison, David S.

1 9 nine 6 The Ways of Confucianism. Chicago, IL: Open Court Printing.

8. Schwartz, Benjamin I.

1985 The Globe of Thought in Ancient China. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press.

READINGS IN CLASSICAL CHINESE PHILOSOPHY

CHAPTER ONE

KONGZI (CONFUCIUS)

"The Analects"

Introduction

T he Analects (Lunyu —literally, the "Classified Teachings") purports to be a tape of the teachings of Kongzi or "Confucius" (551–479 B.C.East.) and his disciples.i Kongzi believed that the Gilded Age of humankind had been realized during the tiptop of the Zhou dynasty, from c. 1045–771 B.C.E. (the so-called Western Zhou menstruation). Personified by the cultural heroes Rex Wen (d. c. 1050 B.C.E.), his son Male monarch Wu (r. 1045–1043), and the virtuous regent, the Duke of Zhou (r. c.

1043–1036 B.C.East.), the early Zhou rulers established and maintained a special relationship with tian , "Heaven," by properly and sincerely observing a gear up of sacred practices collectively referred to as the li , "rites" or "rituals." The scope of the rites was quite vast, including everything from grand state ceremonies to the proper manner to sit or fasten one's lapel —details that we might think of as issues of etiquette. In render for such formal obedience to Heaven in all matters great and small, the Zhou royal line was rewarded with a ming , "Mandate,"ii to rule China, manifested in the form of a charismatic de , "Virtue," or power.

By Kongzi's age, the Zhou kings had been reduced to mere figureheads, and real political power was in the easily of various local rulers. In Kongzi's eyes, the "scholars" of his day—those who should properly be motivated by a dearest for

learning and a devotion to the culture of the Zhou—were interested only in self- aggrandizement and sensuous pleasures, and the people, thereby bereft of moral leadership and grown unruly, could merely be controlled through strict laws and harsh punishments. Despite the bleakness of this world, Kongzi believed that there was notwithstanding hope for humanity, because the traditional Zhou ritual forms and written classics— which had been carefully preserved by a small group of cultural specialists, the Ru

"Erudites"3 —could serve equally a sort of blueprint for rebuilding the lost Gilded Historic period. Kongzi thus dedicated his life to both transmitting these cultural forms to his contemporaries and striving to embody them in his ain person, hoping in this way to lead his fallen globe back to the dao , "Way," of Sky.

Involving lifelong and sincere devotion to traditional cultural forms, Kongzi'southward Manner

is to culminate eventually in a kind of intuitive mastery of those forms, and one who has attained this state of consummate mastery— the junzi , "gentleman"—is said to possess the supreme virtue of ren , "Goodness." Originally referring to the potent and handsome …

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